ChristianSymbols
The Symbols of the Ranges of
Authority
|
|
|
Ranges
of Authority
In the medieval heraldic system of symbols,
state and state symbols do not play a prominent role, but are almost absent.
This has to do with the fact that the empire and state, after the division in
395 and the (partial) disintegration of the Roman Empire, were thought to
belong to the political system of the Roman Empire, which was no longer a reality in its original
Constantine form. This part of the political organization was included in
Christian religious symbolism in which Christ is represented as the world
ruler uniting the legislative and executive power. For this reason, he is
often depicted together with a sun and a moon, a constellation that we find,
as we know, also with the Chinese emperors. Instead of the sun and the moon that play an
important role in the older systems, the symbols of the ranges of authority play a major role
in the christian heraldic system. These are derived from the symbols that
were previously developed by Emperor Constantine the Great (307-337) in the
Roman Empire. The main sources informing us about the
realization of these symbols are the writings of Lactantius, the house
teacher of Crispus, the eldest son of Constantine, and the biography of
Constantine written by Eusebius of Caesarea at the end of Constantine's life.
Especially the last writer has caused many problems of interpretation. [1] Therefore, before I go to treat these
symbols, I will copy the text of the relevant passages translated into
English. |
Lactantius († 320) writes: [2] 44. 5-6 Constantine was directed in a dream
to cause the heavenly sign to be delineated on the shields of his soldiers,
and so to proceed to battle. He did as he had been commanded, and he marked
on their shields the letter Χ, with a perpendicular line drawn through it and turned round thus at
the top, being the cipher of CHRIST. Having this sign (ΧР), his troops stood to arms. [3] Eusebius (†339) writes: CHAPTER XXVIII: How, while he was praying,
God sent him a Vision of a Cross of Light in the Heavens at Mid-day, with an
Inscription admonishing him to conquer by that. ACCORDINGLY he called on him with earnest
prayer and supplications that he would reveal to him who he was, and stretch
forth his right hand to help him in his present difficulties. And while he
was thus praying with fervent entreaty, a most marvelous sign appeared to him
from heaven, the account of which it might have been hard to believe had it
been related by any other person. But since the victorious emperor himself
long afterwards declared it to the writer of this history, (1) when he was
honored with his acquaintance and society, and confirmed his statement by an
oath, who could hesitate to accredit the relation, especially since the
testimony of after- time has established its truth? He said that about noon,
when the day was already beginning to decline, he saw with his own eyes the
trophy of a cross of light in the heavens, above the sun, and bearing the
inscription, CONQUER BY THIS. At this sight he himself was struck with
amazement, and his whole army also, which followed him on this expedition,
and witnessed the miracle. (2) CHAPTER XXIX: How the Christ of God appeared
to him in his Sleep, and commanded him to use in his Wars a Standard made in
the Form of the Cross. He said, moreover, that he doubted within
himself what the import of this apparition could be. And while he continued
to ponder and reason on its meaning, night suddenly came on; then in his
sleep the Christ of God appeared to him with the same sign which he had seen
in the heavens, and commanded him to make a likeness of that sign which he
had seen in the heavens, and to use it as a safeguard in all engagements with
his enemies. CHAPTER XXX: The Making of the Standard of
the Cross. AT dawn of day he arose, and communicated the
marvel to his friends: and then, calling together the workers in gold and
precious stones, he sat in the midst of them, and described to them the
figure of the sign he had seen, bidding them represent it in gold and
precious stones. And this representation I myself have had an opportunity of
seeing. CHAPTER XXXI: A Description of the Standard
of the Cross, which the Romans now call the Labarum. (1) Now it was made in the following manner. A
long spear, overlaid with gold, formed the figure of the cross by means of a
transverse bar laid over it. On the top of the whole was fixed a wreath of
gold and precious stones; and within this, (2) the symbol of the Saviour's
name, two letters indicating the name of Christ by means of its initial
characters, the letter P being intersected by X in its centre: (3) and these
letters the emperor was in the habit of wearing on his helmet at a later
period. From the cross-bar of the spear was suspended a cloth, (4) a royal
piece, covered with a profuse embroidery of most brilliant precious stones;
and which, being also richly interlaced with gold, presented an indescribable
degree of beauty to the beholder. This banner was of a square form, and the
upright staff, whose lower section was of great length,(5) bore a golden
half-length portrait (6) of the pious emperor and his children on its upper
part, beneath the trophy of the cross, and immediately above the embroidered
banner. The emperor constantly made use of this sign
of salvation as a safeguard against every adverse and hostile power, and
commanded that others similar to it should be carried at the head of all his
armies. [4] |
In order to be able to understand the
passages properly, we absolutely need more data and these can be extracted
from other sources, among other things from the numistatics. It then appears
that Eusebius describes the symbols that were in use at the end of
Constantine's life, namely the crux quadrata or Greek cross (described in 28
(2)), the christogram XP on top of a latin cross (described in 31). (1)) and
the labarum (without transition described in 31 (2)). Lactantius thus
describes another symbol, namely the ÇP staurogram. [5] The Christianization of state symbolism was not immediately adopted
by Constantine, as evidenced by this passage by Eusebius dating only from the
end of the life of Constatine. The “Christian Myth” [6] was subsequently adapted, partly by the
church fathers, to the actual administrative structure of the Empire as it
existed since Diocletian. This development ended with the acceptance of the
idea of the Holy Trinity or the homoousios at the 1st Council
of Constantinople in 381. The doctrine was endorsed by Emperor Theodosius I,
who was a great proponent of it. From this time on, God, Christ and the Holy
Spirit were supposed to be manifestations of the same Supreme Being, a
thought that can be understood in terms of the terms but which otherwise
presents problems as it is difficult to see how one can be three and vice
versa. [7] The emperor's place was
occupied by Christ himself in the church. The four prefects found a parallel
in the four evangelists John, Mark, Luke and Matthew [8] and the twelve vicars at the head of the
dioceses in the twelve disciples. In this way it was sometimes difficult to
distinguish an image of the emperor with his senior officials from an image
of Christ with his disciples. The Christian institutional symbols were
further elaborated by the successors of Constantine and in particular by
Emperor Theodosius I. This can be seen on the so-called Column of Arcadius.
(from the year 403). On this are the symbols of the three sections in which
the organization of the Roman Empire at that time was divided or deemed to be
divided. The structure of the eastern part of the Christian Roman Empire is
briefly displayed on the Column. This consists of three segments or authority
areas. At the head of each segment are the emperor and his fellow emperor. |
• The
Column of Arcadius in Constantinople. [9] d The Column of Arcadius was founded in 403 at
the Forum of Arcadius in Constantinople. It was demolished in 1729 but
drawings were made in the 16th century
Freshfield Album. These are kept at Trinity College in Cambridge. There are
carved friezes on the base on three sides. In the fourth side was the door to
the column. The sides are dedicated to the administration, the army and the
church. Column of
Arcadius, East side Trinity
College, Cambridge (after Grabar) • On the
east side is a rectangular frame with a crux quadrata between two warriors.
If the two emperors Arcadius and Theodius II are meant with these warriors,
then the administrative symbol is united with the image and this combination
stands in the tradition of previous images. The symbol is held by two angels. In the
second register are two dignitaries in toga with their shield-bearers, their
shields ensigned with christograms The third
register presumably includes the six prefects the governors of the six
officials of the six prefectures pretorio (Rome, Gallia, Italia and
Constantinopel, Illyricum and Orient). On either side of them, under a
ciborium, the personifications of Rome and Constantinople. The
fourth register is reserved for the weaponry of the Magister Officiorum [10] Column of
Arcadius, South side Trinity
College, Cambridge (after Grabar) • The
south side begins (for technical reasons) with the second register. On this
is a christogram between an A and a Ѡ, surrounded by a laurel crown and supported
by two angels. On both sides are cuirasses,
helmets and shields of which two with a christogram. In the
third register are the two emperors in armor with a staff and a Victoria in
hand. (see the diptychon of Probus from the Cathedral of Aosta with a picture
of Honorius). They have two kneeling prisoners between them. On either side
of them are dignitaries, presumably the magistri militum, but the number of
these does not match those mentioned in the Notitia Dignitatum. [11] The
fourth register would contain the personifications or commanders (duces) of
the provinces. The first
register is finally dedicated to the Magister Officiorum. Column of Arcadius, West side Trinity College, Cambridge (after Grabar) • On the
west side is a latin cross within a laurel wreath, supported by two angels. On
either side two four-in-hands (quadriga's)
possibly representing the marks of honour of the prefects of Rome and
Constantinople. In the
second register are the two caesars, also this time in armor and with a long
staff. If they have held something in their other hands, then that is gone.
Behind them there are ecclesiastical dignitaries, which may be the patriarchs
of Rome, Constantinople and Antioch. On either side are their bodyguards
whose captains carry shields with a christogram between an A and an Ѡ. The others wear a shield with a
daisy-shaped or sun-like decoration. The caesars are supposed to be
represented here as "Defenders of the Faith". In the third register
men are depicted in non-Roman (barbarian) costume, they are brought in by soldiers
armed with spears, preceded by a Victoria, to pay tribute to a trophy
consisting of a cross with a helmet, a cloak and two shields. At the foot of
this trophy, two men are busy inscribing PAX on shields. The
fourth register depicts war-booty. [12] |
Two of these
institutional symbols: the square cross and the latin cross are quite common
in the heraldic system. The christogram has disappeared completely and has
been replaced by the thunderbolt and by the fleur de lys. These in their
turn, have been replaced by the sword and the anchor which are figuring in
the emblems of the armed forces of many modern countries. |
© Hubert de Vries 2006.10.18. Updated 2010.07.05; 2014-03-03; 2018-06-04
[1] Because of the unclear formulations
of Eusebius the labarum, square- and latin cross are usually confounded. So
stil by Drake, H.A.: In Praise of
Constantine. A historical Study and New Translation of Eusebius’ Tricennial
Orations. Berkeley, 1976; specially pp. 72-73 where he can not make it out. Also: Casartelli Novelli,
Silvana: Segni e codici della figurazione altomedievale (Spoleto, 1996) who
cannot make the difference in all her book. That the confusion is not from
recent times is also proven by Gibbon,
E.: The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Tome I, London, 1774, pp. 735-742; and
Cecchelli, C.: Il Trionfo della Croce, Roma, 1953. All these authors explicitly
cite Eusebius. Also H.J.
Schalkwijk: Kruisen, een studie over het gebruik van kruistekens in de
ontwikkeling van het godsdienstig en maatschappelijk leven” (Diss. Utrecht 1989) considers the
christogram, square cross and latin cross only variants of the christian cross
[2]
Lactantius, Lucius Coelius Firmianus: De Mortibus Persecutorum. Edited & translated by J.L.
Creed. Oxford, 1984. H. 44, 1-6.
[3] Commonitus est in quiete
Constantinus, caeleste signum dei notaret in scutus atque ita proelium
committeret. Fecit ut issus est et transversa X
littera, summo capite circumflexo, Christum in scutus notat. (Creed). This
symbol consisting of a mongram of a Ç and a P often appeared in the 4th
and 5th centuriy.
[4]
Eusebius: Life of Constantine. Introduction, translation &
commentary by Averil Cameron & Stuart G. Hall. Oxford, 1999. pp. 80-82
[5] Accepting that Eusebius has
correctly described the vision, according to Lactantius Constantine has not
followed the advise given because he did not write a cross but a monogram on
the shields of his soldiers. Creed (op.cit. p 119) meent: the staurogram was
already in use in the third century as a symbol for the cross, and it would
therefore be perfectly reasonable for Lactantius to interpret it as also a
symbol for Christ… . The monogram “ÆP” (staurogram) however figured together
with the XP monogram and the square cross and accordingly should have had an
other significance than thes two symbols. Lactantius also describes the cross
in a different way than the staurogram, that is to say as the “immortal sign”
”: Tum quidam ministrorum scientes dominum cum adsisterent immolanti,
imposuerunt frontibus suis immortale signum; quo facto fugatis
daemonibus sacra turbata sunt. (Lact. 10. 2). Probably the ÆP-monogram has been used as a badge of rank,
that is to say in the 4th and 5th century by the magistri militum who had a military rank somewhat lower than the emperors and the
caesars.
[6]
This term is used here in the sense of
Levi-Strauss’ Le Pensée Sauvage.
(1962)
[7] In the 13th century Ruusbroec on
his voyage to China got the worst of it on this point in his discussion
with Chagatai Khan
[8]
Other evangelists like Thomas should not have incorporaed in the New
Testament for that reason.
[9] Grabar, A.:
L’Empereur dans l’art byzantin: Recherches sur
l’art officiel de l’empire d’orient. Paris, 1936. Repr. London, 1971.
pp. 74-84. Pl. XIII-XV.
[10] Compare. Berger,
Pamela The Notitia Dignitatum. Diss. 1974. Revised ed. 1981. N° 59 (fol.
207r°).
[11]In the Notitia for
the West are mentioned: the magister peditorum and the magister
equitum; for the East: the magistri militum in Praesens I en II,
in Illyricum,
in Oriens and in Thracia. The insignia for the magistri in the West was an
ivory plaque with golden edges and an imperial portrait in the middle. These
insignia they have in common with the dignitaries of the court. The insignia of
the magistri militum in the
East was an invory plaque with three golden bands an the imperial portriat in
the middle. Amongst others represented in Berger, P. : The Notitia
Dignitatum. Diss. 1974. Revised ed. 1981.: n°s
49, 55, 3, 5, 7, 9, 11. .
[12] See also: John
Burke, Ursula Betka, Penelope Buckley, Kathleen Hay, Roger Scott, Reader in Classical
Studies Roger Scott, Andrew Stephenson. Eds.: Byzantine Narrative: Papers in
Honour of Roger Scott. Sydney, 2017 (pp. 261-262).